interview Nichi Vendola , Angela Mauro
Take the main Via Palmiro Togliatti and you blocks. It's Sunday morning, a lump self bloats the artery to the east of Rome. And you think that this time the phenomenon has Vendola center: the event "Change Italy" to the theater area, Tendastrisce, draws people like flies. A few yards further on you have to think again, because the river of people really struggles to the usual Sunday market located in one of squares between ribbons of asphalt in the suburbs and countryside. Ok, forecast too hasty, of course. But then you get there, the Tendastrisce. Nichi Vendola Libya is talking about and you enter the theater with difficulty. Yes, hit the mark.
Many have written that the Tendastrisce event was an initiative to launch the self-construction of the center. Is that so?
There is a first proper consideration to the composition of the audience. I do not know which party today in Italy, without any means and, without parliamentary representation, would be able, with a sort of tam tam, to organize an event so extraordinary composition, quality and quantity of the audience. It is as if all the peoples of the left, plus a piece of the folk world, plus a lively presence of young generations, which have plastically represented both the demand for change in the country. I think a good starting point.
Berlusconi is in crisis, yet it is still there and they are even able to expand its majority. Errors and omissions of the center?
I reply to the question that has occurred in society. What were the fundamental conflicts that have actually fielded the theme of escape from the Berlusconi? The conflict and student youth, kids that climb on the roofs of the universities, as if to say that they need, starting from education and training, to earn the right to scan the horizon of the future, obviously we need to go on the roofs to see the future. And then, the social question that lives in a myriad of conflicts and corporate factory and had its strongest point and politically relevant in the path that leads from Pomigliano at Mirafiori, where it is embodied in the style of Sergio and Paradigm Marchionne alternative to in Article 41 of the Constitution. Marchionne is in itself a new constitutional precept of the liberal right.
means that, on the proposal to amend Article 41 of the Constitution, before Marchionne is Berlusconi?
If one says that corporate social responsibility and respect for the dignity of the people are a hindrance to live in the economy of global competition, but that is exactly what he said Marchionne. The third conflict is acted by women that reveals the materiality of ideology, namely the need to break the cultural hegemony Berlusconi from the analysis and reporting of that mix of machismo and sexism that Berlusconi has transformed into a kind of official language of his right hand free-range.
the face of all these conflicts, the center is inadequate. There are many commentators who point out, enhancing the ability to counter Vendola. And I speak of analysts can not be ascribed to the left, for example Panebianco on "Corsera ...
I find it amazing how dismissive with which we are sometimes treated by some leaders of the Democratic Party. Conversely, from places which are not suspected of empathy in our analytical attention to receive intelligent and respectful. I think the article by Ernesto Galli della Loggia, when he argues that my proposal is not subject to coordinate policy dello storicismo provvidenzialistico e incrocia il tema della vita: da questo punto di vista, ci riconosce l’autenticità di una ricerca in mare aperto. L’altro è Angelo Panebianco, che considera quello che lui osserva come mix di orecchino e Carlo Marx, cioè l’insieme degli ingredienti che in qualche maniera costituiscono la forma della mia personalità pubblica, non come un rozzo eclettismo ma come uno sforzo di ricostruzione della sinistra nei tempi nuovi. Invece ci troviamo talvolta di fronte a nessuna interlocuzione perché si allestisce una campagna sul leader narcisista, sulle sue affabulazioni favolistiche, sulla sua ossessione per le primarie, sul fatto di essere solo un fenomeno mediatico: tutto questo è un modo to avoid confrontation. I asked a question and I have asked only to others but to me at all: the need to not only build units as large as possible, but to produce innovation and cultural policy in the strongest sense of the term and meaningful . The old political culture of the left may not recur as an annuity for each position in an ongoing conflict is primarily of symbolic and ideological reform and reformers, radicals and radicalism, each with its own set of flags to wave. But is it possible, friends reformists, there is nothing to reform the model of mobility linked to the myth of speed and the private car that pollutes? And as a friend radicals: possible that the old welfare system there is nothing to change regarding the way the world is exploding in the issue of right to work and the right to income for everyone?
So this is the meaning of the sentence handed down to Tendastrisce: "On the free there'll never"? It is a formula that excludes compromise with other cultures of the center?
I have taken seriously a proposal that appeared to me so marked by Politic, but that has become prevalent in the center, by D'Alema of stone steps to the poster . That is to say, the coalition's proposal to Vendola Fini, coalition antiberlusconiana, dictated by the democratic crisis. I I considered an unrealistic strategy, if framed as a proposal of term, I found it tactically unwise, because whenever he was mentioned was put in the patrol fibrillation Parliamentary Future and freedom. But then I assumed my responsibilities. The center is my place and my place if everyone says "broad coalition for democratic emergency", then I take them seriously and say, if the emergency is democratic, then we indicate what action needed by the fence play to bring Italy to normal. And the fence can only be marked by the theme of rules: election law, conflict of interests, pluralism of information system. Others can not enter because this is an emergency can see that democratic forces converge naturally antithetical. And if this is the fence that got to do a technocrat profile liberal to govern this transition? It takes a political and Rosi Bindi not only has the charisma to lead this democratic transition, but it is also a woman who reminds us that the democratic crisis is also made of institutional violence against the dignity of women. Then each in his own way. I say this with such a heavy and I apologize, but I and the friend Andrea Ronchi we do the same government? He is a privatized, and I am a ripubblicizzatore water: there is no possibility of convergence on the ideas of society, the commons, the economic model of development, social policies and labor.
This statement can also be directed to that part of the Democratic Party which formed committees to support the privatization of water resources ...
The primaries are used to discuss these things in the public square because the Democratic Party has formally collected signatures for the public water has not collected signatures for the referendum against the privatization. We're going to hear our people. I am convinced that the defense of public water and on the idea that water can not be good the goods are not only gaining the consent of the whole left, but that of stragrandissima majority of Italians. It is a battle which would enhance the center.
In this respect: he believes that the claim of Fassino in Turin has made sure of the primaries as a means of selecting candidates and leaders?
I always thought the primaries were not a flake of snow ready to melt into the first ray of sunshine. Coincide with the image of the new center and are strong element of escape from what has made the Berlusconi and that is a passive revolution, a model of privatization policy. The primaries are a ripubblicizzazione policy. Of course I'm not a completed process, but a tool, a lever.
What do you think the proposed law and Veltroni to establish for each party?
Establish the primary means to intervene in the law section of the electoral reform, which is in fact one of the topics to be addressed. We must discuss. The primaries are a party in a selection mode of representation. Preferential voting is a very different way. The primaries are the selection within a narrower audience, the preference vote in the selection is basically a universal audience. Questionable, however, no taboos. Provided that this discussion is not made in the name of cunning, the advantages quota or how to get around the problems. Viviamoci not with each other as problems but as allies, such as enrichment. I not only did I never intended to bid for the Democratic Party but I do not know what if Italy do not look to organized political parties and the people poured out of the center in whose hearts there is a democratic people. And I speak with them in a spirit of sincerity and truth and respect: the same as I would like to recognize in the attitude of my interlocutors. But how? For an event like that of Sunday, February 27, the only reaction is carried out by a sector manager who says "we do not take lessons on the failure of liberalism"?
Stefano Fassina, responsabile economico del Pd.
Sì, non si può discutere così. La sinistra europea, da Tony Blair all’Italia, dalla Spagna alla Grecia, non è stata forse segnata fortemente dall’egemonia liberista? Questa sinistra non ha scelto il culto delle privatizzazioni da un lato e la guerra dall’altro come strumenti di modernizzazione per poi accorgersi che la modernizzazione e la modernità sono nozioni che non sempre coincidono? Quello che sta accadendo nel Mediterraneo è uno schiaffo anche per la sinistra modello Tony Blair, per chi ha pensato che la democrazia e la libertà si potevano esportare non in tutti i luoghi dove venivano violate, ma comunque sempre con gli strumenti della guerra. So he produced the quagmire of Afghanistan and Iraq, even as people whose dictators were friends and accomplices of the entire West, without the need for humanitarian bombers, have opened up a path to extraordinary era of freedom. And here there is a lesson for the European left?
can reconcile justicialism and guaranteed with Berlusconi still in power?
Whenever any power can appear arbitrary and irresponsible should be alarmed. We now need to get rid of this real disease that is the node-justice policy in Italy. Berlusconi evokes real problems such as those related grueling slow processes in a completely instrumental because they want them faster, but dissolve in the acid of a permanent de-legitimization. The main crime of Berlusconi is not the "Rubygate," the substance of which penalty he will have to respond in a public hearing in the trial and avoid a trial and that his judge is violence against our idea of \u200b\u200blaw and democracy. But his main crime is to have condemned the generation of peers from Ruby to live the present in the absence of conscious memory of the past and serene vision of the future. His main crime is social, is the blockade and the decline of Italy, the paralysis of the social elevator, the end of the middle class, the rise of forms of poverty and above the capital on labor, the lower middle class, because any worker to 1,200 € per month pays twice the percentage that pays taxes that Berlusconi has assured him and his class to an exponential growth in wealth, depriving the world of production and work and turning it into finance. And when finance becomes autonomous with respect to the real economy is inevitable short-circuit in society.
are in the pipeline and other "crimes" as the Roman decree that puts a cap on solar power.
is absolutely dark energy policy of this government, very clear indeed. The recipe is not to refuse dependence on fossil fuels and use the theme of energy demand to power the circuit most gigantic business that can be imagined: one related to nuclear energy. All in a world where even the renewable energy that should be - along with energy savings - the very frontier of a new development model, have been drugged by an action of proportion to the logic of large companies. Instead, there is another model that I want to promote, that of the "widespread generation of energy," a model made of photovoltaic panels on the roof of every house, a fresh energy and democratic, the same as that speaks Rifkin. But I see that there laziness on these issues, even by some left.
Returning to the node-justice policy, what do you think of recipes as a return to parliamentary immunity, so far proposed UDC but also by individuals of the Democratic Party?
is difficult to discuss these issues now. The conflict that Berlusconi has started with the Parliament, humiliating him with the purchase of deputies and senators, who opened the conflict with the law, considering pre-modern sovereign not under the control of legality, I believe have poisoned the wells and prevented a debate on the merits of issues. Berlusconi is the burial stone blocking the way to reflection and judicial reform. The guarantor is one of the most beautiful flag of the Left, which also has left groped by the devil executioner, imagining that there could be a result of the reform of society the power of judicial investigations. Meanwhile, the right has taken control of flags, however, producing a guarantor hairy and today we are faced with a nineteenth-century society from the point of view of legal formalism: the executioner to justice is guaranteed with the hyper-guaranteed. The fact that in the debate on these issues does not make the slightest reference to the conditions of 70 thousand inmates in prisons is really a sign of barbarism and addiction to a situation that has cost us several sentences by the Court of Justice European Union. So, ask the parliamentary ask now is how do you think that the abuse of wiretapping: it is a piece of crap, but it is difficult to open a battle because what Berlusconi intends to do is sterilize the use not abuse.
All these thoughts rattling against the risk that you do not return to vote in the spring ...
I never built my policy as if it were palmistry. From the beginning I have always maintained that there is an organic and structural crisis of the center and a crisis of credibility of our ruling classes. I have been in the game to get the message that you need to play a game non sia tutta chiusa nei palazzi, ma aperta nella società, nei movimenti, nelle “casematte”, come direbbe Gramsci. Una grande battaglia non legata ad un anti-berlusconismo vissuto come tirannicidio, ma come capacità di prefigurare una credibile e forte alternativa di governo. È questo che serve. Se si muove una battaglia tutta parlamentare scommettendo sulle defezioni dell’esercito opposto e poi questo non avviene, si corre il rischio che la propria gente venga presa dallo sconforto. Ecco perché è importante guardare alle vertenze dei movimenti, alle ansie e alle domande dei territori proprio perché per noi la politica non è un talk-show.
Al Tendastrisce ha detto che se dovesse ritirarsi, le cose che dice dovrebebro restare patrimonio collettivo. Non ha mica intenzione di uscire di scena?
L’ho detto perché non voglio essere visto come un esercizio autarchico con poteri divinatori, ma come una possibilità che si è determinata per sconfiggere il centrodestra e anche la cattiva politica del centrosinistra. Questo mi ha fatto diventare un leader, penso che così si possa costruire una cultura politica adeguata alle sfide del XXI secolo, senza recinti, steccati, ideologie paralizzanti, paraocchi.
